By Nancy D. Lapp (auth.)
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Additional resources for Landing Votes: Representation and Land Reform in Latin America
A further indication that this was the case is that land reforms were more likely to be significant when the expansion of suffrage was likewise significant—especially when voting increased significantly. 5 gives the increase in voting following the main changes in election law. Panama is an anomalous case, because its official expansion of suffrage occurred when the country gained independence and yet came under the control of the United States in 1904. The country remained a “virtual protectorate” of the United States until the 1930s (McDonald and Ruhl 1989).
In 1914, 33 percent of the population lived in cities larger than 20,000 residents; 40 percent of the population lived in communities greater than 5,000 (Remmer 1984, 57). Fewer landholdings were extremely small in Argentina and Uruguay than in other countries. In Argentina, 16 percent of landholdings were under 5 hectares (1960); 30 percent of Uruguayan landholdings were under 10 hectares (1970). In contrast, 29 percent of Bolivian farms and 27 percent of Ecuadorian farms were less than one hectare (1950 and 1954); 49 percent of Chilean farms were under five hectares; and 51 percent of Brazilian landholdings less than 10 hectares (1970) (Ruddle and Barrows 1974).
Although he won the election handily, he never took office; Obregón was assassinated in July 1928. Land reform after the revolution but before the consolidation of the PRI (roughly from 1915 to 1930) occurred in a relatively open and competitive political environment. Leaders such as Carranza, Obregón, and Calles sought support to shore up their rule, fend off rebellions, and build political support for future electoral campaigns. They used land reform as one strategy to achieve these goals. They sought the support of the landless, the overwhelming majority of the rural population.
Landing Votes: Representation and Land Reform in Latin America by Nancy D. Lapp (auth.)