By Greg Forster
The purpose of this hugely unique booklet is twofold: to give an explanation for the reconciliation of faith and politics within the paintings of John Locke, and to discover the relevance of that reconciliation for politics in our personal time. faced with deep social divisions over final ideals Locke sought to unite society in one liberal neighborhood. cause may perhaps determine divine ethical legislation that may be appropriate to individuals of all cultural teams, thereby justifying the authority of presidency. Greg Forster demonstrates that Locke's thought is liberal and rational but in addition ethical and non secular, supplying a substitute for the 2 extremes of non secular fanaticism and ethical relativism. This clean new account of Locke's notion will attract experts and complicated scholars throughout philosophy, political technology, and spiritual stories.
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Extra info for John Locke's Politics of Moral Consensus
By Dunn’s standard, then, Locke’s politics are more “alive” in our time than they were in 1689! It’s a good thing nobody ever told Locke that political arguments are “dead” when they diverge radically from prevailing opinion, or he might never have published them. our lockean moment: religion, foundations, and violence A more important problem confronting our reading of Locke is one that Dunn, perhaps inadvertently, pushes into the background: the role of religion in public life. The most important difference between Locke’s world and ours is the return of multireligious societies.
32 Certainly we must reject an absolute distinction between facts and values if Locke is to speak to us, but why should this be impossible merely because “many modern philosophers” have said it is? Many modern philosophers also said that the historical triumph of Marxism was inevitable. Among academics the absolute fact/value distinction has long since lost its aura of scientific inevitability, and among the population at large its retreat has been even more dramatic. The fact/value distinction never held much power with the population at large to begin with; very few people outside of academe ever believed that there was a radical division between facts and values.
Only moral reasons are sufficient for this, because moral beliefs overrule other beliefs. If people do not have moral reasons to obey government, they will disobey government whenever they think moral reasons require it. Moral theory is what separates a politics of authority from a politics of brute force, so any political theory must show moral reasons why people should submit to government. But establishing a common moral authority is tremendously difficult in a society characterized by deep disagreement over religion, which is the ultimate arbitrator of morality.
John Locke's Politics of Moral Consensus by Greg Forster