By Ronald J Hrebenar
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At the other end of the scale, only 10 percent of the sample fell into the category of high political knowledge and a high sense of efficacy. z We can see one remnant of the persistence of traditional political values if we look at which level of politics is of the greatest interest to Japanese voters. In sharp contrast with the United States, where local eledions often draw less than 20 percent: of the eligible electorate, a sizable proportion of Japanese voters (37 percent) in a Prime Minister's Office poll conducted in 1982 cited the election of city, ward, town, and village assembly members as the mast importans election for them.
Izen. With respect to informal organization, however, Japanese parties have factional pattems similar to those of the parties of Italy. The Socialist Party of Italy (PSI) and the JSP of Japan each had four or five major factions and a pattern of secession of several splinter parties (the Socialist Proletarians and the Social Democrats in Italy, and the DSP and SDF in Japan). Like the Japanese hctions, those in Italy tended to be well o r e nized and cohesive. "~" Factionalism also played a key role in the nomination of party officials and parliamentary candidates in Italy.
Flanagan and Bradley M. : Sage, I9"71J), p. 108. 79, Bradley Richardson, Japnncse Denrocmcy (New Haven: Yale University Pre"d'~~ 1997). 80. At: the 1998 anntral meeting of the American Political Science Association in Boston, Susan Pharr presented a paper that used alienation as the primary explanation for recent Japanese political behavior. Bradley Richarcison also noted the cllhanges that have occurred in the 1990s in Japanese voting behavior and the changing roles of party identification and personal relationships, 81.
Japan's New Party System by Ronald J Hrebenar