Get Harper's Team: Behind the Scenes in the Conservative Rise to PDF

By Tom Flanagan

ISBN-10: 0773532986

ISBN-13: 9780773532984

In 5 years, Stephen Harper went from inner most citizen to best minister of Canada. Tom Flanagan used to be his leader crusade organizer for many of that interval. In "Harper's Team", Flanagan tells the tale of Harper's upward thrust to energy - how a small crew of co-workers, with little adventure in nationwide politics, remodeled themselves into the disciplined, specialist crusade staff that introduced down Paul Martin and the Liberals. Harper's workforce fought 4 campaigns in 5 years: management races and nationwide elections. via trial and mistake - and backbone - they discovered to mix the Reform Party's energy in grassroots politics with the revolutionary Conservative services in advertisements and media family members, whereas at the same time adopting the most recent advances in details and communications expertise. "Harper's Team" is an extraordinary insider's view of ways political campaigns are deliberate, prepared, controlled, and paid for. Combining 40 years of expertise as an instructional political scientist with 5 years of organizational paintings for Stephen Harper, Tom Flanagan deals a distinct standpoint on find out how to win energy in Canada.

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0,1981-82 = O. N of cases for 1959-60 = 395,1965-66 = 402,1969-70 = 404,1975-76 = 411,1981-82 = 413. 05 (all one-tailed tests) 38 The Color of Representation As expected, the negative relationship between proportion black in districts and black voting rights shows up in both models in 1960. The relationship is also significant in the amendment model in 1957-58. The finding can be explained by the fact that during this period the vast majority of districts with a relatively large black population were located in the South.

The explanatory variable that has the biggest impact on the probability of legislators changing their behavior on federal voting rights is partisanship. 001 level for the four most recent congresses. Table 6 suggests that Republicans quite often engage in the practice of voting for diluting amendments before supporting the final passage of a federal voting rights bill. Region also significantly affects the extent ofvoting rights support. On House roll calls in 1975 and 1981 southern members were more likely to vote against the preferred position on federal voting rights amendments then vote for passage of the final bill.

Thus, the analysis that follows uses party as the principal guide for detecting patterns of voting behavior. 28 The findings are reported in figures 3 and 4. The figures present overall mean federal voting rights support scores as well as a breakdown of those scores by party affiliation. As figure 3 shows, the overall pattern for amendment voting varies in the low-to-moderate range with mean support scores reaching their peak in 1975 at 66 percent. In contrast, the overall pattern for final passage votes (fig.

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Harper's Team: Behind the Scenes in the Conservative Rise to Power by Tom Flanagan

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