By Todd A. Eisenstadt
Pitting competition activists' post-electoral conflicts opposed to their utilization of regime-constructed electoral courts, this research of Mexico's sluggish transition to democracy addresses the puzzle of why its competition events didn't use those self sustaining courts. The electoral courts have been confirmed to mitigate Mexico's frequently violent post-electoral disputes at key moments of the country's 27-year democratic transition, and had formal promises of court docket independence from the get together of the Institutional Revolution (PRI).
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Additional resources for Courting Democracy in Mexico: Party Strategies and Electoral Institutions
Subnational authoritarian throwbacks persisted even after the federal alternation of power in 2000, and as seen in Chapters 4 and 8. They even thrived under the tutelage of so-called PRI “dinosaur” governors – machine bosses who refused to accept multiparty competition. These local bosses’ ultimately unsuccessful attempts to manipulate electoral courts, which started as devious in the 1990s and grew desperate after 2000, are extensively chronicled. But I now consider these institutions at the federal level, where electoral justice has become much more than an oxymoron.
But it is in such cases where the paradoxes of “permanent oppositions” become highly evident. Party leaders must constantly face the trade-off between short-term particularistic gains (government sinecures) to placate supporters with spoils, and long-term public goods (a democratic rule of law). Indeed, based on a party’s level of ideological commitment (public-good seeking) and immediate willingness to collude with the authoritarian incumbents (private-good seeking) three types of opposition parties may be considered in slow-liberalizing authoritarian regimes: 1.
However, the particular mechanisms of obtaining loser compliance have been underspecified, except in the most dramatic Eastern European and South American cases where authoritarian walls literally fell, Round Table Talks were launched, and militaries were sent back to the barracks. 7 Current tendencies to filter the effects of pretransition oppositions through authoritarian elite perceptions extends back at least to Dahl’s classic formulation that the likelihood of a government’s toleration of opposition varied inversely with the costs of toleration and directly with the costs of suppression (Dahl 1971, 16).
Courting Democracy in Mexico: Party Strategies and Electoral Institutions by Todd A. Eisenstadt